Parting The Waters Essay Example for Free

Parting The Waters Essay The book â€Å"Parting the Waters† by Taylor Branch not only highlights the life and times of Martin Luther King Jr. , but also shows the parallel course Kings life took with the civil rights movement and even before it. This book provides a historical look at the Civil Rights Movement from 1964 to 1963. The first half of the book shows the origins of the civil rights movement parallel to that of the life of Martin Luther King Jr. Some of the significant points raised by branch were as follows: The â€Å"birth† of the black preacher, John Rockefellers endowment, Kings early education and the immediate cause of the civil rights movement. Following their emancipation from slavery, the African-American peoples journey to freedom has actually begun. Despite the complete abolition of slavery, segregation took its place as most whites, especially from the South, found it hard to accept former slaves as equals and still sought to marginalize the black people. It was only in the church that blacks found leaders who were of strong character and would be the launch pad on their crusade for equality. As W. E. B. DuBois put it, the preacher is â€Å"the most unique personality developed by the Negro† (quoted in Branch 3). Next would be a footnote in the history of origins of the civil rights movement with the involvement of tycoon and philanthropist John D. Rockefeller whose involvement in the advancement of the African-Americans was attributed to his wife, Laura Spelman whose family were known abolitionists of the antebellum and civil war era. Because of this, Rockefeller provided an endowment for the creation of a school for blacks which would be named after his wifes family (Spelman College) in Atlanta, once the heart of the Confederacy. The significance of these two circumstances would be that Martin Luther Kings maternal grandfather, and his father were preachers and his maternal grandmother Jennie Parks and his mother Alberta were students of Spelman College, therefore, a beneficiary of Rockefellers philanthropy (Branch 30). The education of his parents enabled the younger King to live a relatively comfortable life compared to other blacks who were not as fortunate as his family and lived in virtually a hand-to-mouth existence because segregation denied them the opportunities to better their lives. Kings education took him to Pennsylvania where he was exposed to liberal education that made him feel like an equal. He began his first public ministry at the age of 25, at the time the Supreme Court, the the Brown vs. Board ruling outlawed segregation in schools. But this was only the tip of the proverbial iceberg. The catalyst of the civil rights movement began when Rosa Parks, a seamstress from Montgomery, Alabama, was arrested for refusing to give up her seat at the bus. This incident had prodded King to take the lead in the civil rights movement and thereby set the course he took which would irrevocably change his life (Branch 150). In the second half of the book. It covers the crusade Martin Luther King had now taken up and led following his political baptism of fire, from the twilight of the Eisenhower years , the advancement of John F, Kennedy and eventually the dawning of the New South. Taking a leaf from Gandhis passive resistance approach, King endured sufferings and humiliations yet he took it in stride in the same manner as Christ and persevered. Under such conditions the U. S. Congress passed the Civil Rights Act, which ensures that all people born in the United States are accorded equal protection law and that race could not be used as a condition to deprive them of their civil rights (Branch 303). All in all, Parting the Waters proved to be an excellent start in the 3-volume history of the civil rights movement by Branch who would follow it up with â€Å"Pillar of Fire† and â€Å"At Canaans Edge. † One would notice that the titles allude to the history of the Hebrews as told in the book of Exodus in the Bible. Branch was somehow able to draw a parallelism of the odyssey of the Hebrews to that of the African-Americans on their quest for real freedom and equality. Works Cited Branch, Taylor. Parting the Waters. America in the King Years: 1954-63. New York: Simon and Schuster, 1989.

Trumps Changes to Transgender Bathroom Rules

Trumps Changes to Transgender Bathroom Rules The Proposal for Transgender Bathroom Conversion Now that the Trump Administration has withdrawn Federal enforcement of the transgender bathroom order, it is up to each State to decide what course of action to take, if any (Hersher, Johnson, and para 4-5) It is evident by the number of lawsuits filed against the Federal Government that the constitutionality of Obama’s Executive Order is in question. Recently, the Supreme Court postponed hearing a case involving a Virginian transgender high school’s student, partially due to President Trump’s announcement. The details of the case involve a transgender student, who was already using the boy’s bathroom, but pressure from parents and others forced the school district to change its policy and deny the student’s ability to use the boys’ bathroom. (Liptak, para 2-5). The school adopted a policy that states all students must use the bathrooms/locker rooms according to the gender on their birth certificate and a private bathroom/locker room would be provided for transgender students. The boy sued under protections outlined in the fourteenth amendment stating he was refused civil rights because of his gender. In light of the recent withdraw of Obamaâ₠¬â„¢s order by the Trump Administration, the Supreme Court decided to send the case back to the appellate court of origination for its further review. In August, the Supreme Court decided (5 to 3) that while the student’s case proceeds, temporarily, the school is not compelled to let the student choose his bathroom (Hersher, Johnson, para 17). Besides the lawsuits sparked by the transgender bathroom issue, many religious organizations and activist groups have also voiced concern over the issue. North Carolinians objected so loudly that State legislatures refused to override state laws that stated people had to use the bathroom of the gender corresponding to their birth certificates. In return, the Justice Department sued the State of North Carolina for circumventing the ordering in this manner (Hersher, Johnson, para 11). Other states and communities passed similar laws or already had them in place prior to the order. When there is this much opposition and prejudice it usually stems from a gross misunderstanding of the situation In order to produce any meaningful solutions to this problem, it is paramount to educate the public about the medical realities of hermaphroditic conditions and elicit empathy to replace the anger this subject has released. Once Americans understand that in many cases being transgender is a choice the person’s doctor made for them at birth, it is possible more people will understand the bathroom issue more readily. It is also meaningful to illustrate the costs associated with converting schools to standards acceptable to the entire community, not just the transgender group. A three step plan is proposed that incorporates educating the public about intersex conditions, developing a realistic budget for schools to accommodate transgender bathrooms, and organizing a vote on the issue once the public is better informed.   Many people are opposed to the transgender bathroom because they lack an understanding of the medical issues involving intersex children and the path in life they face. It is difficult for most people to ever imagine having an intersex condition or having a child with a gender identity problem. Educating the public through public service announcements may be an effective way to approach this problem. If more people understood that in some cases, what has happened to an innocent baby at birth should not be the cause of persistent suffering psychologically and physiologically to have a Male XY genetic marker with a vagina. The prejudice transgender people encounter is widespread and educating the ignorant tends to abate some of the prejudice. The transgender community should consider eliciting a well-known or at least well-spoken spokesperson in order to start the process of educating the massed about the transgender plight. The second part of the plan involves preparing budget estimates for school conversions needed to accommodate transgender students. Safety of students seems to be one of the primary concerns of opponents to the bathroom issue, so privacy is of utmost priority. Based on ideas currently being discussed within the Sarasota School District, schools would provide a private, unisex bathroom for transgender students and partition locker rooms to provide a private space there as well. It is currently not known how many specialty unisex bathrooms each school will provide; however, for purposes of this analysis, it is assumed that one per school will be built out. The budget line items represent the total cost of each subcontracted task. For instance, the drywall line item indicates the total cost to partition the locker rooms/private changing areas. Even though not all of the districted schools may have locker rooms, for purposes of this cost illustration, it is assumed each school will requir e the build out. Once the public is sufficiently educated and the costs to convert the schools are properly relayed to the public, it will be time to organize a vote on the issue. Even if Trump rescinded the Federal Executive Order, States must remain concerned and prepared for a ruling by the Supreme Court that may ultimately force State school districts to comply with the initial order after all. In the event this happens, at least the public will be more educated and costs will be spelled out so that voters can make a rational, rather than emotional, decision. It must be emphasized that currently the Transgender Community does not seem to have a ‘famous’ person for their cause. A movement does not move very far without a leader. In the event the State and its voters or the Supreme Court decide to proceed with establishing policies for transgender bathroom availability, it is important to describe the costs that will be associated with revamping schools to fit the new policies. In order to illustrate the cost per school and the impact to the over school district, Sarasota County School District will be used as an example. It should be kept in mind that if legislation impacts all school districts statewide, a further cost analysis will need to be performed. The following budget is based on estimates obtained from local contractors based on a price for completed jobs (Daniel’s Plumbing, Jimenez Drywall). Based on the cost budget analysis, the cost of school bathroom/locker room conversions equal approximately $759,500, or $17.70 per registered student (SSD, Student Enrollment Charts). If the proposed idea of adding unisex bathrooms and converting current locker room space to include a partitioned area wi th showers is acceptable, the costs per student are low enough to justify the conversion.  If more build out is required, this budget analysis will need to be revised to take into consideration any changes. Based on empirical evidence (verbal survey of students from various SSD schools), approximately 0.1% of registered students, or approximately 429 children may be affected by an intersex condition or are transgender. The cost of conversion per transgender child, divided over the 13 years the child is assumed to attend SSD school, equals approximately $136 per child: this amount is rather a small amount to pay for the safety, security, and well-being of all students concerned. It should be noted; the costs contained herein estimates and are for illustrative purposes only.   The time is now for the Transgender movement to strive to educate the public more on the issues that affect them in an effort to reverse some of the prejudice that exists today. It seems imperative for the group to organize and delegate a leader to champion their cause. (Maybe Obama’s free?). Once organized, the group needs to decide how to educate the masses. Next, the group needs to formulate what bathroom arrangements are acceptable and provide a plan that includes cost estimates based on a per child basis in order to make acceptance of any changes more credible. The final phase is for the group to get petitions circulating to get the issue on a ballot and get the voters to approve its proposition. Many movements take years to accomplish their goals: Just think about how long it took women suffragettes, gay right activists, or civil rights leaders to accomplish their goals. The Transgender movement received a head start when Obama made the nation aware of one of its issues; however, the movement needs a powerful leader and some organizational zeal to accomplish its goals. Citations Liptak, A. Supreme Court Won’t Hear Major Cases on Transgender Rights†. Dated March 6, 2017. Retrieved from the New York Times website on April 12, 2017 WEB https://www.nytimes.com/2017/03/06/us/politics/supreme-court-transgender-rights-case.html?_r=0 Hersher, R. and Johnson, C., â€Å"Trump Administration Rescinds Obama Rule On Transgender Students Bathroom Use†. Dated February 22, 2017. Retrieved from NPR.org website on 4/11/207 WEB http://www.npr.org/sections/thetwo-way/2017/02/22/516664633/trump-administration-rescinds-obama-rule-on-transgender-students-bathroom-use Budget created by Serena Hart on MS Word. Cost estimates based on conversations with two local Sarasota contractors: Daniel’s Plumbing, Jimenez Drywall. Not to be relied on, for illustrative purposes only. For final presentation purposes, this report will be incorporated with an analytical report, also by Serena Hart entitled, â€Å"Color Me Blue†.

The Catcher In The Rye :: essays research papers

  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  The novel The Catcher in the Rye, by J.D. Salinger, is about a troubled young man named Holden Caulfield. Holden searches his teenage life, struggling to find answers to his questions about himself and his identity. No matter where Holden goes, in his opinion he is surrounded by phonies. They appear to be everywhere Holden is: his school, the hotel, the theatre, and all over the streets of New York. The story is told from Holden’s point of view, as he endeavours to put together the pieces of the puzzle that he calls his life.   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Holden Caulfield, the main character in the novel, is an immature teenager. Holden is sixteen years old, six feet two inches tall, with a crew cut and prematurely greying hair. His story begins as he is kicked out of prep school, and takes off to New York. Holden's thoughts and ideas reveal many of his character traits. One late Saturday night, four days before the beginning of school vacation, Holden decides to leave Pencey, his school, at once and travels to New York by train. Once in New York, he decides that he will stay in a cheap motel until Wednesday, when he is to return home. His plan shows how very impetuous he is and how he acts on a whim. He is unrealistic, thinking that he has a foolproof plan, even though the extent of his plans are to â€Å"take a room in a hotel...and just take it easy till Wednesday.† This course of action proves Holden’s recklessness and immaturity very early on in the novel.   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Another considerably minor (and yet still imperative) addition to the novel is Phoebe Caulfield. Holden’s younger sister is his main supporter. She sticks with him no matter what, but she also, however, is not afraid to scold Holden for his errors. Although Phoebe is merely a young child, she understands Holden, sometimes more than he does. â€Å"Old Phoebe didn’t say anything, but she was listening.... she always listens when you tell her something. And the funny part is she knows, half the time, what the hell you’re talking about. She really does.† (167) Phoebe is an instant reminder of delight to Holden, and every decision he makes revolves somehow around the sister he loves so much.   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚   Holden Caulfield, at first, appears to be having a conflict with society, but, upon closer examination, we see that he is truly only at war with himself.

Solitude/Isolation in “The Minister’s Black Veil” and Hawthorne’s Life :: Ministers Black Veil Essays

Solitude/Isolation in â€Å"The Minister’s Black Veil† and Hawthorne’s Life  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚        Ã‚  Ã‚   In the Nathaniel Hawthorne tale, â€Å"The Minister’s Black Veil,† we see and feel the solitude/isolation of the minister, Reverend Mr. Hooper. Is this solitude not a reflection of the very life of the author?    According to A.N. Kaul in his Introduction to   Hawthorne – A Collection of Critical Essays, the themes of isolation and alienation were ones which Hawthorne was â€Å"deeply preoccupied with† in his writings (2).    At the outset of the tale, â€Å"The Minister’s Black Veil,† the sexton is tolling the church bell and simultaneously watching Mr. Hooper’s door, when suddenly he says, ``But what has good Parson Hooper got upon his face?'' The surprise which the sexton displayed is repeated in the astonishment of the onlookers: â€Å"With one accord they started, expressing more wonder. . .† The reason is this: â€Å"Swathed about his forehead, and hanging down over his face, so low as to be shaken by his breath† is a black veil. The 30 year old, unmarried parson receives a variety of reactions from his congregation:    ``I can't really feel as if good Mr. Hooper's face was behind that piece of crape'' ``He has changed himself into something awful, only by hiding his face''   ``Our parson has gone mad!'' Few could refrain from twisting their heads towards the door. . . . . . . more than one woman of delicate nerves was forced to leave the meeting-house.    Hawthorne, after exposing the surprised people to the sable veil, develops the protagonist through a description of some of his less exotic and curious characteristics:    Mr. Hooper had the reputation of a good preacher, but not an energetic one: he strove to win his people heavenward by mild, persuasive influences, rather than to drive them thither by the thunders of the Word. The sermon which he now delivered was marked by the same characteristics of style and manner as the general series of his pulpit oratory.    However, on this first day of wearing his black veil there is some peculiar difference in Hooper’s sermon:    But there was something, either in the sentiment of the discourse itself, or in the imagination of the auditors, which made it greatly the most powerful effort that they had ever heard from their pastor's lips. It was tinged, rather more darkly than usual, with the gentle gloom of Mr.

Analysis of The Rape of the Lock :: Rape Of The Lock Essays

Analysis of The Rape of the Lock The destruction of the grand style of the epic is just what Pope was after in his mock epic, "The Rape of the Lock." Pope had no such universal goal, or moral pronouncements to make as did Milton. His purpose was merely to expose the life of the nobility of his time. While Milton chose blank verse to express the immensity of the landscape of his epic, Pope chose to utilize the heroic couplet to trivialize this grandeur. Pope's quick wit bounces the reader along his detailed description of his parlor-room epic. His content is purposefully trivial, his scope purposefully thin, his style purposefully light-hearted, and therefore his choice of form purposefully geared toward the smooth, natural rhythm of the heroic couplet. The caesura, the end-stopped lines, and the perfect rhymes lend the exact amount of manners and gaiety to his work. Writing for a society that values appearances and social frivolities, he uses these various modes of behavior to call attention to the behavior itself. Pope compares and contrasts. He places significant life factors (i.e., survival, death, etc.) side by side with the trivial (although not to Belinda and her friends: love letters, accessories). Although Pope is definitely pointing to the "lightness" of the social life of the privileged, he also recognizes their sincerity in attempting to be polite and well-mannered and pretend to recognize where the true values lie. Pope satirizes female vanity. He wrote the poem at the request of his friend, John Caryll, in an effort to make peace between real-life lovers. The incident of the lock of hair was factual; Pope's intention was to dilute with humor the ill feelings aroused by the affair. He was, in fact, putting a minor incident into perspective, and to this end, chose a mock-heroic form, composing the poem as a "take-off" epic poetry, particularly the work of Milton. He is inviting the individuals involved to laugh at themselves, to see how emotion had inflated their response to what was really an event of no consequence. For the reader, the incident becomes a statement about human folly, a lesson on female vanity, and a satire of the rituals of courtship. Perhaps Pope also intended to comment on the meaningless lives of the upper classes.

Research Paper. People Power Revolution Essay

For more than a decade now, many Filipinos have trekked to EDSA to commemorate the anniversary of the February 1986 â€Å"People Power Revolution,† marking the overthrow of President Marcos’ regime. This year the customary rituals – ecumenical invocations, on-site masses, eloquent political speeches, martial marches, colorful parades, star-studded shows and other diversionary entertainment – will be performed as before. The celebration will probably take a more subdued tone as the country, as well as the region, reels from the economic slowdown and disruptive challenges to erstwhile secure political orders. For most people who persist in joining the EDSA celebration, few are inspired to explore its historical or spiritual connotations. It appears sufficient that this historic stretch of the national highway is momentarily transformed into a convenient amusement park. After all, people who live precariously from moment to moment, as more Filipinos now must, are not inclined to burden themselves contemplating the depressing state of the nation. Better the light entertainment of the moment than the serious reflection which a continuing sense of national purpose and civic responsibility demands. Yet, amidst today’s celebration of the 1986 People Power Revolution, one really ought to inquire into the meaning of this historic mass action, the original context within which it might be more fully appreciated and the painful but now compelling perspective for assessing the current relevance of this experience. In 1986, a critical mass of Filipinos found Marcos and the political order he created sufficiently revolting; and, throwing their support behind a small band of desperate military coup plotters, forced the ailing dictator, his family and his subalterns to flee the country. The popular revolt succeeded in toppling Marcos’ rule, but lacking a clearly revolutionary ideology, a revolutionary program of government, a revolutionary political leadership and indeed a revolutionary mass base, the rising could not go much beyond ridding the country of the hated Marcos and dismantling the formal political infrastructure of his dictatorship. The leaders and other supporters of the â€Å"people power revolution† could have worked hard to give substance to this media-projected identity. Indeed the momentum of the popular revolt could have been sustained and immediately magnified had a series of progressive government policies been launched and implemented with revolutionary rigor by the successor regime. These policies included people empowerment particularly at the local level, national unification embracing the traditionally marginalized and even the main rebel groups, recovery of plundered public resources and relentless pursuit of those responsible for the rape of an entire nation across several generations. The revolutionary possibilities indicated by these early policies of the new government however would remain illusory. Traditional vested interest groups (e.g. landed wealth, those in business and the religious) as well as politicized new players in Philippine politics (e.g. the military) developed more than enough political stakes in the post-Edsa political arrangements and predictably shirked from the revolutionary thrusts of these early policies. As had happened so often in the history of most nations, collaborationist Philippine elites thought it best to undertake a politics of restoration where their primacy would be guaranteed rather than to assist in the building of a new and, for the historically privileged, a problematic, even outrightly perilous democratic regime. Most leaders of the 1986 revolt understandably settled on the reassuring shores of oligarchic history rather than embark on the uncharted, revolutionary seas searching for the proverbial terra incognita, a conceivably democratic national destiny. National unification was pursued without any critical attention being paid to what elements could legitimately be included in or excluded from national life. Thus economic plunderers and scoundrels automatically were inserted as integral parts of post-Marcos transition. It did not matter much, that for more than two decades, they had abused and looted the nation. National reconciliation was similarly uncritically pursued and perpetrators of appalling crimes, including economic brigandage and human rights abuses, were courted without requiring them to undertake significant restitution to the victims of their rapacity while they retained control of government offices at various levels. No revolutionary possibility could survive amidst policies which glossed over the antithetical character of the nation’s traitors and its patriots, the victimizers and their victims, the plunderers and the plundered. A nation that is successfully misled by its leaders into adopting this convenient and self-serving ambiguity learns to readily forgive and hence to also easily forget. Without a clear memory, no nation can hope to sustain an irreversible revolution, the only truly reliable path to its deserved destiny. The historical record since 1986 reflects the implacable effects of reformist policies which do not basically alter the substantive character of Philippine society and its core political system. Economic and political inequities remain at high levels, with poverty engulfing probably more than 6 years percent of the nation’s families (this count is often registered in academic surveys although the government’s own estimates would improve this profile, cutting down the estimated poverty incidence rate to less than 40 percent by 1997). Despite the much touted improvements in national economic performance particularly between 1992 and 1997, Philippine per capita income remains low in relation to countries like Thailand and Malaysia and only slightly better than Indonesia within the region. Independent surveys also indicate that gains made by the national economy in the last 60 have been largely limited to the better-off and had not significantly trickled down to the poorer Filipinos. Politically, local governments have gained more autonomy, the oligarchic and dynastic characteristics of the political system continue to be apparent and are documented in various studies looking into electoral financing, candidate profiles and public official pedigrees. Systemic graft and corruption remain at fairly high levels. Thirteen years after the EDSA Revolution, a new president’s public speeches would continue to denounce routinely â€Å"hoodlums in robes† (those in the judiciary), â€Å"hoodlums in uniform† (those in the military and the police) as well as all other plain hoodlums in and out of government service. All would be warned in his inaugural address not to test his presidential resolve to combat graft and corruption. (Almost a year into his own presidency, it appears that some of his own close political aides have been hard of hearing at his inauguration). One could continue documenting the agitating features of Philippine political history after 1986. One could explore the serious challenges of criminality to public safety (with about 40 percent at least of the people feeling unsafe whether in their own homes or in the streets of their own neighborhood), or of dissident groups defying public order (the CPP-NPA-NDF communist threat and the Muslim Islamic Liberation Front) or the politicization of purportedly neutral government institutions such as the judiciary and the military, among others. All these are painful images of a current reality emphatically belying any claim that a political or socioeconomic revolution was indeed precipitated at EDSA. Yet one more image remains and perhaps it is this one that might serve to sufficiently outrage another critical mass and another generation of Filipinos toward a much more authentic revolutionary awakening. Criminals do appear to have a compulsion to return to the scene of their crimes. The national plunderers are back in business, in all the influential sectors of Philippine society, in government, the private sector and even in  many of the pseudo-organizations of civil society. Their dramatic presence, their predictable forays into the nation’s patrimony and their subsequent arrogant posturings could re-ignite the public’s fading memories of a previous regime’s brutal political repression and tyrannical rule. A better-organized, better-informed and more truly revolutionary consciousness could be facilitated by the resurgence of these people who treated the Philippines as their private looting grounds for more than two decades. Then, like the devil in Goethe’s Faust, they may yet philosophically pronounce when asked for their identity: â€Å"I am he who while ever conspiring to do evil somehow manage to effect good.† The lessons of 1986 and other earlier possible turning points in Philippine history are relatively unambiguous. Revolts do not necessarily make for revolutionary outcomes, at best on for revolutionary potential. In the case of the 1986 Revolution, that potential was aborted. Marcos was deposed as a political ruler, but the political system which spawned him was not irreversibly destroyed and may even now be resurgent. The final lesson of EDSA has long been suspected by democratic sympathizers, although there have been few validations of their thesis. A democratic revolution cannot be initiated or sustained by self-serving elites. Only an enlightened, self-serving citizenry can reliably initiate and sustain an enduring democracy.

Conviction Offense and Prison Violence

Conviction offense and prison violence The study of the above statement by John Sorensen and mark D. Cunningham reveals that the disciplinary data done in 2003, involving 51,527 inmates who were serving sentences in the department of corrections of Florida and of the 51,527 involved to generate that data, 9,586 were homicide convicts charged on different degrees of homicide. The homicide convicts were amongst those researched on in respect to their involvement in prison violence and misconducts.Previous misconducts related to discipline and other forms of violence reported by the numbers of inmates present at the time of the evaluation which was 14,088 and a class of inmates who are kept under strict and direct supervision, of which they were 4,113 in total, were also considered. The preference and prevalence of violence in prisons reduced as the seriousness of the crime under which the inmate was sentenced increases. The study revealed that close custody inmates were not involved in or have had anything to do with the violence that erupts in the facilities in which they are located.Moreover, some negative regression models used to evaluate this observation shows that â€Å"serious† convicted offenders are less involved in prison violence than their colleagues who have been convicted of way less charges. The â€Å"three strike laws† provides the law courts with the power to impose harsher judgments and more severe punishments if a person is convicted more than three times with the degrees of the charges increasing. The laws however, limit the punishment to life imprisonment.In another study related to this, it was found that correctional facilities experienced more cases of institutional misbehaviors than those facilities that are meant for confinement with no correctional intentions. Actual figures from the study shows that inmates in confinement facilities are less likely to be involved in any form of institutional misconducts than their counter parts in correctional facilities where most cases of these misconducts are reported and on a regular basis.This study can see an increase of officers in this correctional facilities and more tough rules on prison discipline inside correctional facilities. Violent girls or relabeled status offenders? Feld Barry C in his work about whether convicted girls should be addressed as violent girls or should be relabeled as status offenders who in most cases usually refers the offences that minors commit reveals that the government who are the policy makers and the juvenile justice system has expressed their worries about the rising number of young girls being arrester over â€Å"petty† issues.Other interested parties in this issues have seen that the cause of the arrests to be the following; ? Due to the fact that the public is â€Å"tired† of the bad behaviors exhibited by these girls leading to their regular arrests. ? Increased monitoring of home related violence in which t he girls are the most adversely affected group and which can result in behavior change on the part of the girl. Policy change in the juvenile justice system and also the changes in the way parents go about with their parenting of the girl child. The author is for the idea that there should not be institutionalization of these status offenders which is reflected in the policy changing of the juvenile justice and delinquencies prevention act -deinstitutionalization encourages that minor offenders be referred to as delinquents so as to make those institutions where these â€Å"proving difficult to deal with† are confined.The author goes ahead to analyze data on the pattern of arrest and the confinement records for both and girls who are termed to be violent and have been charged following simple and aggravated acts, questioning that the fluctuating figures in number of victims and the rate differences, and the confinement of these violent girls and boys agrees to a different man ner of the increase in girls violence that moves together with the thesis that explains social construction.In a different study but on the same issue of the girl rehabilitation programs, one program named multi-systemic therapy has been a success because it provides a holistic manner where a team from the state or government work together with the parents of the affected girls and in the process tries to change the parent’s behavior. This is usually done where parental activities have been found to be a cause for the girl’s behavior change and therefore influences negatively on the child’s growth and development.The team working with the parents also goes to the extent of going to the schools and evaluating if the child is responding positively to the whole program. The only real problem and hence a constraint of this very effective program is the cost, it’s too expensive and many parents cannot afford it. The study also reveals that non-specific gender programs works more effectively than gender specific programs. However, the study also shows that programs that are gender specific have positive effects in certain areas that include; improved relationship with family members, employment, education and other psychological social outcomes.